Displaying items by tag: Human rights

Afghanistan is now in its fourth decade of warfare, making it one of the most protracted conflicts in recent history. The nature of warfare, and related war agendas, have evolved over time and continue to do so in line with changing internal and external political objectives and ground realities. However, the absence of adequate measures to protect civilians has characterised the fighting since the outbreak of armed conflict in 1979. According to an ICRC survey from 2009, almost all Afghans – 96% – have been directly or indirectly affected as a result of the immediate or wider consequences of war;…
Published in Issue 49
Afghanistan is now in its fourth decade of warfare, making it one of the most protracted conflicts in recent history. The nature of warfare, and related war agendas, have evolved over time and continue to do so in line with changing internal and external political objectives and ground realities. However, the absence of adequate measures to protect civilians has characterised the fighting since the outbreak of armed conflict in 1979. According to an ICRC survey from 2009, almost all Afghans – 96% – have been directly or indirectly affected as a result of the immediate or wider consequences of war;…
Published in Issue 49
  على الرغم من أن التهجير الداخلي للفلسطينيين في الأراضي الفلسطينية المحتلة لا يقل عمره عن عمر الاحتلال نفسه، إلا أنه لم يصبح موضع اهتمام المنظمات الوطنية والدولية إلا في الآونة الأخيرة. وهناك أسباب عدة لذلك. فبالنسبة للبعض، كان التهجير إما غير مفهوم أو يُنظر إليه على أنه مسألة بالغة الحساسية، حيث كان سيترتب على آثاره الأساسية الدخول في مواجهة مباشرة مع إسرائيل كقوة احتلال. وكان ذلك سيستدعي من المجتمع الدولي التصدي، ليس للآثار الإنسانية الناتجة عن الاحتلال فحسب، وإنما أيضاً لسياسة إسرائيلية تقوم، كما ذكرت محكمة العدل الدولية، على التلاعب بطريقة غير قانونية بديمغرافية الأراضي الفلسطينية المحتلة. كما كان…
Published in Translated Content

الجدار: الآثار والآفاق

Thursday, 28 January 2010 00:00
  في منتصف عام 2002، وعقب حملة من الهجمات الانتحارية شنها مسلحون فلسطينيون، أقرت الحكومة الإسرائيلية بناء جدار عازل لمنع الانتحاريين من دخول البلاد.[1] وبعد مضي خمس سنوات، تم الانتهاء من بناء حوالي 58.3 في المائة من الجدار، ويجري حالياً إنشاء 10.2 في المائة أخرى، فيما يجري التخطيط لإنشاء 31.5 في المائة. ويتكون الجدار من أسيجة، وخنادق، وأسلاك شائكة، ومسارات رملية ممهدة، ونظام مراقبة إلكتروني، وطرق للدوريات، ومنطقة عازلة. ويتألف حوالي 30 كلم من هذا الجدار من ألواح خرسانية بارتفاع 8-9 أمتار ومتصلة فيما بينها لتشكل سوراً، ولا سيما في المناطق الحضرية مثل القدس وبيت لحم. وعند اكتماله، سيمر حوالي…
Published in Translated Content
  إن المرة الأخيرة التي تناولنا فيها الأزمة الإنسانية في الأراضي الفلسطينية المحتلة كانت في نوفمبر/تشرين الثاني 2004- أي قبل حوالي خمس سنوات. ومنذ ذلك الحين والوضع الإنساني يتدهور بإطراد. فقد أسفر استمرار أعمال العنف عن مقتل وإصابة وتهجير الكثيرين وعن تدمير واسع النطاق للمنازل والبنى التحتية. كما أدى التوسع في بناء الجدار المثير للجدل و“نظام الإغلاق” المرتبط به إلى تقويض سبل العيش وتفاقم الفقر وتدهور خطير في مستوى الخدمات الأساسية. وقد ساهمت هذه المعوقات في رفع معدل البطالة إلى أكثر من 40 في المائة وما يرتبط بذلك من تدني تقدير الذات والاكتئاب والعنف الأسري. وكما يوضح مقال النظرة العامة…
Published in Translated Content
Over one million people live in Karamoja, a region found in the north Eastern part of Uganda. To a visitor passing through from the capital city Kampala, Karamoja may look like any other region in Uganda but appearances can be deceptive. The region is characterised by the worst humanitarian and development indicators in Uganda. The problem of underdevelopment in Karamoja is often characterised as a ‘cultural’ problem, however, this needs to be understood within the delicate livelihood systems that operate within the region. The people of Karamoja have traditionally based their livelihood on agro-pastoralism. Like many other pastoral societies in…
Published in Blog
In the two decades prior to President Alvaro Uribe’s election in 2001, illicit crop production in Colombia grew from 3,500 to 144,000 hectares, representing an annual increase of 25.6%, with Colombia producing more than 70% of the world’s cocaine. This trend was coupled with a worsening of the armed conflict, which according to Uribe was due to guerrillas’ involvement in the drug trade. Drug-trafficking was deemed to constitute one of the main sources of funding for Colombia’s guerrilla groups; according to government figures, between 1991 and 1996 $470 million was raised from the illegal sale of narcotics, representing 41% of…
Published in Issue 45
In the two decades prior to President Alvaro Uribe’s election in 2001, illicit crop production in Colombia grew from 3,500 to 144,000 hectares, representing an annual increase of 25.6%, with Colombia producing more than 70% of the world’s cocaine. This trend was coupled with a worsening of the armed conflict, which according to Uribe was due to guerrillas’ involvement in the drug trade. Drug-trafficking was deemed to constitute one of the main sources of funding for Colombia’s guerrilla groups; according to government figures, between 1991 and 1996 $470 million was raised from the illegal sale of narcotics, representing 41% of…
Published in Issue 45
Trends in violence in Colombia have been changing over the past decade. Historically, the conflict has been fought mostly in rural areas. This has led to the massive displacement of rural populations to neighbouring rural areas, local cities and more distant urban areas. In recent years, however, the majority of violence (political and criminal) has taken place in urban areas, creating new forms of displacement. As a result, a full range of displacement patterns exist in Colombia: rural to rural; rural to peri-urban; rural to urban; and intra-urban, where individuals, families or whole neighbourhoods are forced to leave their homes…
Published in Issue 45
Trends in violence in Colombia have been changing over the past decade. Historically, the conflict has been fought mostly in rural areas. This has led to the massive displacement of rural populations to neighbouring rural areas, local cities and more distant urban areas. In recent years, however, the majority of violence (political and criminal) has taken place in urban areas, creating new forms of displacement. As a result, a full range of displacement patterns exist in Colombia: rural to rural; rural to peri-urban; rural to urban; and intra-urban, where individuals, families or whole neighbourhoods are forced to leave their homes…
Published in Issue 45
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The crisis in the Horn of Africa

Issue 53 March 2012

The crisis in the Horn of Africa

The special feature of this issue of Humanitarian Exchange, co-edited with HPG Research Fellow Simon Levine, focuses on the crisis in the Horn of Africa.

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